Sidharth Menon

Rent Control

I find that most people don’t have original opinions.

This phenomenon has gotten much worse since the launch of ChatGPT. We imbibe and regurgitate a cocktail of thoughts from LLMs, our Twitter feeds, the news, and politicians.

I say “we” here because I catch myself doing this, too. This post is a step in the opposite direction.

In the NYC Mayoral Election of 2025, Zohran Mamdani proposed rent stabilization policies to combat the city’s housing affordability crisis. As an NYC resident for three years, I can attest that rent is expensive, and I appreciate the principles and charisma Zohran brought to the mayoral race.

However, I don’t want to parrot politicians’ positions without doing my own research first, so I did some digging.

NYC’s housing crisis

From a review of academic literature, New York does suffer from a housing supply shortage. New units (“housing starts”) can’t keep up with rising demand and migration into the city. The city suffers from “inelastic housing supply”, i.e. housing supply does not respond sufficiently to increases in price.1 Schwartz, A. (2019): New York City’s Affordable Housing Plans and the Limits of Local Initiative,2 “Glaeser, E. L., Gyourko, J., & Saks, R. E. (2005). Why Have Housing Prices Gone Up?”

In the 2010 Quarterly Journal of Economics we can see NYC’s supply elasticity issues when compared to other US cities:3 Saiz 2010

CitySupply ElasticityRank (out of 95)
New York, NY0.769
Chicago, IL0.8112
Houston, TX1.9967
Atlanta, GA2.2174

It doesn’t look much better today; in 2023, the city’s vacancy rate for housing was 1.41%, its lowest in 50 years.4 NYC Rent Guidelines Board: 2025 Housing Supply Report For reference, a healthy “natural” vacancy rate in the rental market is estimated to be between 5-10% and peer cities (DC, LA, SF) have vacancy rates of 5+%.5 Study by Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies. See also individual data for DC, SF, LA.

But why is this the case? Landlords might blame the city’s pro-regulation swing since 2019 (like the Housing Stability and Tenant Protection Act), but I don’t find that argument convincing. Although there was a spike in vacant / warehoused / dilapidated units after the law was enacted, COVID was a significant confounding factor. By March 2024, only < 0.2% of the rent-controlled stock was uneconomical to renovate, and only 2.7% of units were vacant that would qualify for rent stabilization.

An argument that I find more convincing is that NYC’s housing shortage is a symptom of what Ed Glaeser calls the “closing of the American urban frontier”. Through most of the 20th century, Americans moved from poorer places to richer places because they could enrich themselves doing so (and could find affordable housing!). This was most noticeable with Black Americans, especially with the Great Migration from the Jim Crow South, but the same patterns held even for White Americans. From ~1900-1990, more than 6% of Americans moved across counties each year.6 “Glaeser 2020: The Closing of America’s Urban Frontier”. Fun fact: Glaeser taught a microeconomics class that I took in college which I still remember fondly. He is a remarkably warm and intelligent person, and I hope you have the pleasure of meeting him too, someday!

This pattern has slowed down significantly, particularly for cities like New York. First, NYC is a much older city than Atlanta or Houston and is not built around the highway and car. Thus, despite attempts to retrofit highways to the city, it is much more difficult for residents to live on the outskirts and commute in via automobile. Builders can’t just expand on the outskirts to supply new housing. Second, builders like Robert Moses (of Power Broker fame) were increasingly stopped after the 60s by activists like Shirley Hayes and Jane Jacobs, who fought to landmark places like Washington Square Park. Broadly speaking, local groups have become more politically powerful as they lobby against new construction with (many legitimate) concerns: new construction devalues their property and can change the quality of their neighborhoods (e.g. destroying city landmarks!).

In other words, new construction can be surprisingly politically difficult.

What kind of policy interventions would fix the issue?

Rent control (as a price-fixing scheme) has a depressive effect on housing construction, which is the opposite of what New York needs. A few ideas that seem more promising:

  1. Reduced local barriers to building new housing: Enable pro-housing legislation. As Glaeser, Gyorko, & Saks (2005) note, housing construction in big cities has become increasingly challenging as local municipal groups have increased their political influence. Pro-housing construction legislation like Eric Adams’7 the critically acclaimed Turkish Airlines travel hacker “2024 City of Yes for Housing Opportunity” was a step in the right direction to adapt the 1961 Zoning Resolution to the city’s current challenges.8 2024 City of Yes
  2. Federal financial incentives to build: Schwartz’s 2019 New York City’s Affordable Housing Plans and the Limits of Local Initiative argues that the city cannot solve the housing crisis without federal support. Eliminating the housing cost burden for the city’s extremely-low-income (spending 50% of income on housing) would cost $3.2 billion annually. For context, the FY2019 budget allocated $2.1 billion for fire protection and $1.7 billion for sanitation.1 I find this intuitive: NYC’s lawmakers won’t represent the interests of Americans who might want to live in NYC someday, so federal support would be appropriate to compensate.2
  3. Building HSR: a true high-speed rail system could also ease the city’s housing supply issues by expanding the housing market to the city’s outskirts / linking with other cities. For example, a Harvard International Review article found this effect in the Tokyo metropolitan area when the Shinkansen was constructed.9 “Harvard International Review, Vol. 40, No. 3, Mind the Gap: The Interplay of Transportation and Inequality (SUMMER 2019), pp. 28-29”
  4. Target subsidies more effectively: NYC’s current housing scheme is also suboptimal, since distorted price signals obscure who most needs housing.10 “Glaeser & Luttmer: The American Economic Review, Sep., 2003, Vol. 93, No. 4 (Sep., 2003), pp. 1027-1046” Capital would be better allocated if it encouraged building more. A better scheme might resemble the now-discontinued 421-a tax incentive program (which suffered from its own set of problems, since developers could avoid taxation on luxury apartments as long as a small subsection was nominally “affordable”).

All of this said: I am glad that politicians in the city are drawing attention to the housing crisis. But given that NYC:

  1. has a housing supply issue
  2. requires policies that compensate locals for the costs of building & migration

I am suspicious of rent control as anything but a convenient political scheme. I am certain I missed key facts here, but I tried to be as unbiased as possible when conducting research. If you have any addendums or thoughts, please do get in touch — I would love to know how I am wrong about this!

  1. Schwartz, A. (2019): New York City’s Affordable Housing Plans and the Limits of Local Initiative
  2. “Glaeser, E. L., Gyourko, J., & Saks, R. E. (2005). Why Have Housing Prices Gone Up?”
  3. Saiz 2010
  4. NYC Rent Guidelines Board: 2025 Housing Supply Report
  5. Study by Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies. See also individual data for DC, SF, LA.
  6. “Glaeser 2020: The Closing of America’s Urban Frontier”. Fun fact: Glaeser taught a microeconomics class that I took in college which I still remember fondly. He is a remarkably warm and intelligent person, and I hope you have the pleasure of meeting him too, someday!
  7. the critically acclaimed Turkish Airlines travel hacker
  8. 2024 City of Yes
  9. “Harvard International Review, Vol. 40, No. 3, Mind the Gap: The Interplay of Transportation and Inequality (SUMMER 2019), pp. 28-29”
  10. “Glaeser & Luttmer: The American Economic Review, Sep., 2003, Vol. 93, No. 4 (Sep., 2003), pp. 1027-1046”